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Warships intensifying hunt for pirates at sea, but pirate bosses on land remain elusive

ABOARD THE CARLSKRONA (AP) - Aboard a dingy and a helicopter, Swedish special forces head out from the warship Carlskrona to search for Somali pirates.

But while the European Union Naval Force is more actively hunting pirates than ever before on the high seas, their financiers and organizers remain out of reach on land. Officials complain that not enough is being done to gather intelligence on them and their assets even as law enforcement agencies cite problems with coordinating the collection of information and legal barriers in sharing it.

As piracy off East Africa continues unabated -- with 84 ships attacked this year as of early June and 24 of them seized -- frustration is growing in the shipping industry.

Per Gullestrup, the CEO of Denmark`s Clipper Group, says it has a wealth of information that is not being used or collected by anti-piracy forces. Clipper Group is believed to be the first company to use European courts to file blackmail and extortion charges against pirates.

“We have DNA evidence, records of phone calls, the serial numbers from the notes we delivered in ransom ... but there is no centralized effort to collect information,” Gullestrup said. Some companies have photos of pirates` faces from CCTV or pictures taken by the crew, he added, but no one had asked for the information.

Pierre St Hilaire from Interpol`s anti-piracy task force said it must wait for national police forces to volunteer information which could then be included in an album containing photos of nearly 200 individuals and fingerprints for about half. The album is designed for navies who stop and search suspected pirate vessels but not everyone has access to the album, partly because Interpol must get permission from each member state that supplied the information to share it, St Hilaire said.

In the meantime, there is currently no reliable way to check if men stopped and searched on the high seas are wanted for a previous hijacking, said the commander of the EU Naval Force.

“Ships will often see men on board skiffs throwing ladders and weapons overboard as we approach to board and search them,” Rear Adm. Jan Thornqvist said in an interview aboard the warship Carlskrona last month. “In the ideal world, we could run these through a database and see if any of the men was wanted for anything.”

The EU naval force has begun trying to gather some evidence when it stops suspected pirates, but so far it is mostly limited to photographs and fingerprints of the men at sea, said Jens Lindstrom, the EU force`s legal expert.

“Militaries are trained to win wars, not trials,” said Lindstrom. “At the moment there`s very little risk for the pirates once the ransom has been paid.”

Even if the pirate bosses can be identified and a case built against them, the problem of arresting and extraditing them remains. Interpol says the police force of each country that has a ship hijacked is responsible for gathering evidence against pirates. Somalia is a failed state without a central government since 1991.

The war on piracy must start on land

One of the six suspected Somali pirates wait in a holding cell before they appeared in a Mombasa court on charges of piracy, Wednesday, April 28, 2010, in Mombasa, Kenya. Their case was adjourned until May 5, 2010 .

 

How is it possible that pirates from very poor Somalia can hold to ransom ships from some of the richest countries, despite the patrolling by the world`s strongest navies?

That was the dilemma discussed at the recent Istanbul Conference on Somalia, and is high on the agenda of the United Nations, NATO and the European Union.

The current anti-piracy strategy has worked well, but it is facing diminishing returns. Naval patrols off the Horn of Africa have reduced the success rate of attacks: 1 in 10 attempts succeed now, compared to 1 in 3 before. Yet the number of (reported) attacks doubled between 2007 and 2008 from 51 to 111, and doubled again in 2009 to 217. They are still on the increase.

Five years ago, most attacks were along the Somali coast; now some are carried out 1,000 miles offshore. The average ransom used to be a few thousand dollars; it has skyrocketed to $2-3 million and rising. Somali piracy will again earn about $100 million this year.

Navies from around the world protect vessels off the costs of Somalia. Is that working? To an extent yes, but at an exorbitant cost. A vessel patrolling off Somalia costs $100,000 a day. Considering that there are more than 40 vessels out on patrol, the aggregate annual operational cost is about $1.5 billion, compared to the $3 million paid into an anti-piracy trust fund especially created by the United Nations.

The effects on rich countries` economy has been negligible, as insurance rates have increased only minimally. But the impact of piracy on East Africa is devastating: It endangers lives, curbs trade, kills tourism, steals food aid, enriches criminals, funds insurgents and perverts the regional economy. The disruption has now moved to Great Lakes states that use East African ports for trade.

What can be done?

Letting the pirates go makes no sense: They are back in the water within a week (600 so far have been released following confiscation of their weapons). Shooting them on sight is fundamentally wrong (although it has happened, including recently). Transporting them to countries that own the seized vessels is impractical, given the distance and jurisdictional complexities. What else?

Patrolling off the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean must continue, and seized pirates must be brought to trial in the region: Kenya currently holds 124 pirates, the Seychelles 31 (which is 10 percent of their prison population). More pirates should, and can be tried in other countries in East Africa.

Further international assistance is therefore needed to strengthen the capacity of countries in the region — training prosecutors, refurbishing courts and prisons. This can have wider benefits: It can help police in the Horn of Africa combat drug trafficking (30-35 tons a year from Afghanistan alone), and the smuggling of guns, people, resources and electronics.

Most of all, the problem must be tackled at its source. Somalia is a high-risk environment, but not all of it is completely anarchic. In provinces such as Somaliland and Puntland, authorities have some control. They should be assisted, technically and financially, to build institutional and logistical infrastructures — coast guards, police, courts — to enforce the anti-piracy law on land.

They should also be assisted with social and economic programs to reconstruct the country and especially to provide jobs to young men otherwise vulnerable to crime.

To begin with — and this is the easy part — Somali prisons should be refurbished to enable Somali pirates to serve their sentences on home soil — even sentences imposed abroad.

Next, the judicial system in Somalia`s provinces where security has improved should be strengthened to the point (not far at all) that it can try its own pirates.

Above all, robust anti-money laundering measures are needed. Each pirate takes home $10-15,000 per successful raid. Their skiffs, in an attack formation, hold 20 to 24 pirates, which collectively amounts to $300,000 to $500,000 per attack.

Given ransom payments of a few million dollars per ship, the difference makes the criminal groups the big winners. In other words, piracy has become an increasingly profitable business — insurance companies do not mind paying a few million dollars for the ransom of a tanker whose temporary disability in the hands of pirates would cost as much per week.

It`s time to adapt the international strategy in Somalia to new conditions — dealing with the problem at its source, on land, rather than at sea.

Until a solution is found in Somalia, the pirates will keep coming.

*Antonio Maria Costa is executive director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

© 2010 The New York Times Company. All Rights Reserved.

NATO, EU say reacting to rising Somali pirate numbers
By Peter Apps, Political Risk Correspondent
June 08, 2010

NORTHWOOD HEADQUARTERS, England, June 8 (Reuters) - More Somali pirates have taken to the water this year than ever before, NATO and EU forces said on Tuesday, but navies are combating them more effectively.

The Islamist takeover of a pirate haven last month seems to have had no impact on what has become a very profitable industry, they said, but monsoon conditions meant attacks would now fall sharply until September.

Alongside emerging powers such as China, India and Russia, NATO and the European Union have sent taskforces to combat piracy -- a move they believe has made the chokepoints around the Gulf of Aden much safer but pushed the problem into the wider Indian Ocean.

Currently, pirates hold 17 ships anchored at locations along the Somali coast and 357 sailors.

“We would say there has been a threefold increase in the number of pirates since 2009,” Rear Admiral Peter Hudson, commander of the European Union Naval Force Somalia (EU NAVFOR), told a briefing at his headquarters northwest of London. “I would say we are being more effective but against an increased level of threat.”

Naval forces disrupted 59 pirate groupings in the Somali basin between March and May, one of the two main piracy seasons of the year, up sharply from last year.

That could range from arresting the pirates, destroying their boats and putting them on trial in Kenya or the Seychelles to simply forcing them to throw ladders and weapons overboard and begin the long journey back to Somalia.

“A lot of it comes down to the balance of risk and reward for the pirates,” Hudson said. “The risks are very great -- not just of being caught, but all boats being overturned or dying in bad weather -- but the potential rewards are also very large .”

NO ISLAMIST CRACKDOWN

European, Russian and forces from Somalia`s semi-autonomous Puntland have all stormed ships to recapture them from pirates in recent months, but Hudson said that was not always an option.

“It depends on a variety of issues -- risk of damage to the ship, cargo, environmental impact with something like a tanker and most of all the safety of the crew,” he said.

Somalia`s Islamists have usually taken a tough line on piracy, almost eradicating it when they briefly ran Somalia in 2006-7. But their takeover of the haven of Haradheere in May did not seem to have produced any such clampdown, NATO said.

“There were three pirated ships anchored off Haradheere when the Islamists took over in May and they are still there,” said NATO force deputy chief of staff Hans Henselth. “That tells me that they are not taking any action against the pirates.”

There had also been an increase in attacks launched from Islamist-controlled areas of the Somali coast, the officers said, but without any land-based operations they simply could not tell if the Islamists were directly involved in piracy.

NATO`s Henselth said most hijackings had been of relatively ill-prepared cheaply run merchant ships failing to take advice on self protection measures and routing.

“It would not matter so much except these ships are still generating ransoms, funding piracy and making it worse for everyone else,” he said.

Piracy would only ultimately subside when greater rule of law returned to Somalia, Hudson said.

“The answer to this is not charging around the Indian Ocean with expensive destroyers,” he said. “It has to be a Somalia-based solution on land.”

Hungary and Slovakia Begin Citizenship Tug of War

Representatives of the Hungarian Parliament sing the national anthem on May 14, during the re-formation of Hungarian Parliament. A Hungarian nationality law passed on May 26 grants any ethic Hungarian living in any country citizenship. (Attila Kisbenedek/Getty Images)

BRATISLAVA, Slovakia—A unique battle for citizenship has erupted between Slovakia and Hungary, as both countries go at it through the passing of laws.

A controversial law passed last week by Hungarian leaders can grant citizenship to ethic Hungarians living in any country. In response, Slovakia passed a law restricting dual citizenship and making it so that any Slovakian citizen who knowingly applies for citizenship in another country will be stripped of their Slovakian citizenship.

The Hungarian nationality law was passed on May 26 by the newly elected Parliament, which has the nationalist Fidesz Party as the majority. Under the new law, any ethic Hungarian living in any country can be granted citizenship if they can demonstrate knowledge of the Hungarian language and proof of their ancestry.

With up to 10 percent of Slovakia made up of ethnic Hungarians—mostly located in the southern part of the country where the two countries meet—most Slovak politicians assessed the new law as a security threat, with some of them labeling it a direct provocation.

There are historically border issues between Slovakia and Hungary. After the first world war, the Treaty of Trianon was signed that divided the Austro-Hungarian Empire and cost Hungary 72 percent of its territory.

The recent law is generally regarded by Slovakians as a first step to increase the influence of Hungary abroad, with potential claims of autonomy or revision of the Treaty of Trianon.

The Slovakian Parliament was unusually swift in passing a counter law.

The harsh laws, which can revoke the citizenship of Slovakians may have been a bit hasty. Informal research by local media in Slovakia showed that most Hungarians are not interested in applying for Hungarian citizenship. However, some analysts warned that the move will effectively decrease the number of Slovakian citizens.

Some critics questioned whether the new law is unconstitutional, since the Slovakian Constitution guarantees that no one can loose their citizenship against their will.

Relations between Hungary and Slovakia, both members of the EU and NATO, and located next to each other in the middle of Europe, have been largely peaceful since the second world war. There have only been slight exceptions to the good relations—falling on the shoulders of top politicians from both countries from national parties, which were formed after the fall of communism in 1989.

The exchange of threatening words between national party leaders has won them points in their own countries and has been the fire behind their campaigns.

On June 12, long-awaited parliamentary elections will be held in Slovakia. By then, it will be seen how many political points the Slovakian nationalist party gained in their recent move.

The Nationality Law of Bhutan, 1958

Having found it necessary to amend this law relating to the acquisition and deprivation of citizenship which has been in force till date, His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo, in accordance with the suggestions put up by the Royal Advisors, People and the Monastic Body, is pleased to incorporate the following changes:

1. This law may be called the Nationality Law of Bhutan, 1958 and shall be effective throughout the Kingdom of Bhutan.
   
2. This law shall be in force throughout the Kingdom of Bhutan from the day of its enactment.
   
3. Any person can become a Bhutanese National
   

1. If his/her father is a Bhutanese National and is a resident of the Kingdom of Bhutan; or
   
2. If any person s born within or outside Bhutan after the commencement of this law provided the previous father is a Bhutanese National at the time of his/her birth.
   
4. (1) If any foreigner who has reached the age of majority and is otherwise eligible, presents a petition to an official appointed by His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo and takes an oath of loyalty according to the rules laid down by the official, he any be enrolled as a Bhutanese National, provided that:–
   
   1. The person is a resident of the Kingdom of Bhutan for more than ten years; and
      
   2. Owns agricultural land within the Kingdom of Bhutan.
      

(2) If a woman, married to a Bhutanese National, submits a petition and takes the oath of loyalty as stated above to the satisfaction of the official, and provided that she has reached the age of majority and is otherwise eligible, her name may be enrolled as a Bhutanese National. (3) If any person has been deprived o his Bhutanese Nationality or has renounced his Bhutanese Nationality or forfeited his Bhutanese Nationality, the person cannot become a Bhutanese National again unless His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo grants approval to do so.

5. (1) If any foreigner submits a petition to His Majesty the Druk Gayalpo according to the rules described in the above sections, and provided the person ahs reached the age of majority and is otherwise eligible, and has served satisfactorily in government service for at least five years ad has been residing in the Kingdom of Bhutan for at least 10 years, he mat receive a Bhutanese Nationality Certificate. Once the Certificate is received, such a person has to take the oath of loyalty according to rules laid down by the Government and from that day onwards, his name will be enrolled as a Bhutanese National
   
(2) Any foreigner who has reached the age of majority and is otherwise eligible, can receive a Nationality Certificate provided that in the opinion of His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo his conduct and his service as a Government servant is satisfactory.
6. Any person who:–
   

1. becomes a national of a foreign country and resides in the country; or
   
2. has renounced Bhutanese Nationality and settled in a foreign country; or
   
3. claims to be a citizen of a foreign country or pledges an oath of loyalty to that country; or
   
4. is registered as a Bhutanese National but has left his agricultural land or has stopped residing in the Kingdom; or
   
5. being a bonafide national has stopped residing in the country or fails to observe the laws of the Kingdom:
   

Shall forfeit his Bhutanese Nationality.

7. (1) If a Nationality Certificate has been obtained on presentation of false information or wrong facts or omission of facts, the Government may order the Certificate to be cancelled.
   
   (2) (a) If any citizen or national, engages in activities against His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo or speaks against His Majesty, or the people of Bhutan; or
   
   (b)When Bhutan and India is engaged in a war with some other country if any citizen or national of Bhutan is found indulging in business, correspondence or helping the enemies; or
   

(c) If any person within a period of five years from the day when he was enlisted as a Bhutanese National, if imprisoned in any country for more than one year, the person is liable to be deprived of his Bhutanese Nationality without prior notice.

8. To implement this law, His majesty the Druk Gyalpo may incorporate additional rules if necessary.
   

BRITISH NATIONALITY LAW AND THE HISTORY OF NATURALISATION

The history of the law of British, or English nationality offers many curious and puzzling problems. In the first place, much difficulty arises in connection with the concept of allegiance, which remained the basis of the law even after the introduction of a more or less complete statutory scheme of nationality and which may still influence the interpretation of the latest statutory formulation, though in that the concept has been formally abandoned. That concept was elaborated in Calvin’s Case, the essence of the decision in which was « One King, one allegiance ». The application of this doctrine resulted, perhaps paradoxically, in the holding that the Scots antenati were not subjects, though the postnati were. But the paradox is explained if account is taken of the further rule that a man’s allegiance is determined for all time at his birth. This was why the English and the Scots postnati had to be fellow-subjects: they were born under the allegiance of the same King. It was also why both English and Scots antenati could not be fellow-subjects to each other: they had been born under different allegiances. It seems to have involved the assumption, as a principle of politics if not of law, that the Scottish personal union could never be dissolved. Yet in view of the departure from the common law rules as to the descent of the Crown made in the Acts of Settlement the English and Scottish crowns might! have divided again — and in [*4] fact nearly did so. Coke clearly regarded this possibility as « less than a dream of a shadow, or a shadow of a dream », and was therefore prepared to apply uncritically to such an academic situation a rule of Bracton’s, designed for the quite different case of a tenant by military service with two warring feudal lords. Such a man would be ad fidem utriusque and so Coke would have had a Scot after the division of the crowns a double national. Was he not snatching at any argument which would have the desireable effect of nullifying the refusal of Parliament to weld the two Kingdoms into one by legislative means?. His thesis was in any event suitable only to an age in which the sovereign had something of a monopoly of government and in which a personal union of crowns therefore did produce a virtual merger of Kingdoms and governments. It would have been intolerable in modern time in the event, for instance that the constitutional crown of the Netherlands should descend to the wearer of the constitutional crown of Britain. Dutch and British government would remain in such a case distinct and the fortuitous coincidence of royal titles would afford no justification for a merger of nation[*5]alities. The upshot of the decision in Isaacson v. Durant, in which it was held that Hanoverians born before the dissolution of the union of the British and Hanoverian crowns in one person were not thereafter British subjects, that allegiance is owed to the sovereign « in his politic capacity », is therefore to be approved. The reasoning behind that decision is, however, open to criticism. For the main consideration was that, if the union of nationalities was to depend on the fortuitous union of crowns, no man would, as it were, know where he stood from hour to hour. But that, it has been said, is exactly the case where annexation or cession of territory is involved: an inhabitant of the territory affected becomes or ceases to he a subject on the instant save insofar as an Order in Council or a treaty may make some concession to his convenience. A distinction may indeed be held to exist here: the annexation of territory necessarily brings that territory under the sway of the legislative, or at least of the executive power and a union of nationalities is therefore justifiable if not necessary, whereas a casual personal union of crowns implies no such result. But perhaps the assumptions of the debate are in any event unsound. How is it that the question of the status of Hanoverians never arose until 1886?

But the transmutation of the concept of allegiance is not the only problem of this part of the law. Another, equally curious, is that of the status of the ius sanguinis. Was the statute De Natis ultra Mareof 1351 declaratory of the common law or was it enacting? In either case why, if that statute confirmed or provided that foreign-born children of English parents were subjects, was it necessary for another enactment in 1708 to go over the same ground? And what did the two statutes mean? Did they cover the case where only one parent was a subject as was thought upon De Natis in the seventeenth centurybut as was denied by both Parliament and Courts upon the Act of Anne in the century following?

Further in connection with the jus sanguinis, did the statute operate to the uttermost generation, as Bacon thought upon De Natis when he said « Nay, if a man look narrowly into the law on this point, he shall find a consequence that may seem at first strange, but yet cannot well be avoided; which is, that if divers families of English men and women plant themselves at Middleborough or at Roan [Rouen], or at Lisbon, and have issue, and their issue do intermarry among themselves, without intermixture of foreign blood, such descendents are naturalised to all generations; for every generation is of liege parents... . And if he was right, why in De Geer v Stone was there accepted the concept of the statutory subject, a mule-like creature who was yet a subject but who had no hope of posterity? Did the British Nationality Act of 1772 extend the concession of nationality to the second foreign-born generation in the male line or did the eighteenth century legislation cut down an earlier and more liberal rule? How is it that « a sort of hereditary doubt » surrounds the question of acquisition of nationality by descent?

In the final analysis the question in any nationality case is whether a person is a subject or an alien. He may be the former because born within the dominions of the sovereign or Crown in virtue, that is to say, of the general presumption that the allegiance is co-extensive with those dominions, or in virtue of the jus soli. Or he may be such by descent — because born of liege parents, or iure sanguinis. And the principles of the jus soli and the jus sanguinis do not stand opposed to one another. In most legal systems they are to be found intertwined, each supplying the limitations of the other. But the degree to which one or the other has been emphasised at any time may well have varied. Considering the complexity of the problems described, this would seem to have been very likely the case and to account for the difficulty which exists in finding ready solutions for them. There exists, however, one approach to them which has not hitherto been much employed but which, though it has its limitations, is an obviously useful one. This is to test the rules relating to the acquisition and loss of the status of a subject by reference to the categories of persons who sought to have that status conferred upon them by ad hoc legislative or executive action and who therefore must have been looked on as not already being subjects. Let it be seen, in short, who was naturalised or endenized from time to time; from that enquiry it should emerge e contrario who was taken to be a subject. It is the main purpose of this paper to push such an enquiry as far as it can be taken on the basis of the records already printed or calendared. A subsidiary purpose is to attempt to throw some light on the history of naturalization considered by itself, and to revive some forgotten learning on the law of nationality in general.

Nationality Law, 1959

Original Kuwaiti nationals are those persons who were settled in Kuwait prior to 1920 and who maintained their normal residence there until the date of the publication of this Law. Ancestral residence shall be deemed complementary to the period of residence of descendants.
A person is deemed to have maintained his normal residence in Kuwait even if he resides in a foreign country if he has the intention of returning to Kuwait.

Any person born in, or outside, Kuwait whose father is a Kuwaiti national shall be a Kuwaiti national himself.


Kuwaiti nationality is acquired by any person born in Kuwait whose parents are unknown. A foundling is deemed to have been born in Kuwait unless the contrary is proved.
Kuwaiti nationality may be granted by Decree upon the recommendation of the Minister of the Interior to any person [upon his attaining his majority who was] born in, or outside, Kuwait to a Kuwaiti mother whose father is unknown or whose kinship to his father has not been legally established. The Minister of the Interior may afford to such children, being minors, the same treatment as that afforded to Kuwaiti nationals until they reach their majority.

Kuwaiti nationality may be granted by Decree upon the recommendation of the Minister of the Interior to any person of full age satisfying the following conditions:
1.   that he has lawfully resided in Kuwait for at least 20 consecutive years or for at least 15 consecutive years if he is an Arab belonging to an Arab country. The requirement of consecutive residence shall not be affected if the applicant leaves Kuwait on official business. If he leaves for a reason other than that of official business, but retains the intention of returning, the period spent abroad shall be deducted from the total period of his residence in Kuwait;
2.   that he has lawful means of earning his living, is of good character and has not been convicted of an honour-related crime or of an honesty-related crime;
3.   that he has knowledge of the Arabic language;
4.   that he possesses qualifications or renders services needed in Kuwait;
5.   that he be an original Muslim by birth, or that he has converted to Islam according to the prescribed rules and procedures and that a period of at least 5 years has passed since he embraced Islam before the grant of naturalization. Nationality thus acquired is ipso facto lost and the Decree of naturalization rendered void ab initio if the naturalized person expressly renounces Islam or if he behaves in such a manner as clearly indicates his intention to abandon Islam. In any such case, the nationality of any dependant of the apostate who had acquired it upon the naturalization of the apostate is also rendered void.
A Committee of Kuwaiti nationals, appointed by the Minister of the Interior, shall select from those who apply for naturalization, the applicants whom it recommends for naturalization in accordance with the provisions of this Article.
The number of persons who may be naturalized in any one year in accordance with the provisions of this Article shall be decided by an Act.

Notwithstanding the provisions of the immediately preceding Article, the following may be granted Kuwaiti nationality by Decree, upon the recommendation of the Minister of the Interior:
1.   any person who has rendered valuable services to Kuwait;
2.   any person [upon his attaining his majority who was] born to a Kuwaiti mother and who has maintained his residence [in Kuwait] until reaching the age of majority and whose foreign father has irrevocably divorced his mother or has died. The Minister of the Interior may afford to such children, being minors, the same treatment as that afforded to Kuwaiti nationals in all respects until they reach the age of majority;
3.   an Arab belonging to an Arab country provided that he had resided in Kuwait since before 1945 and has maintained his residence there until the promulgation of the Decree providing for his naturalization;
4.   a non-Arab provided that he had resided in Kuwait since before 1930 and has maintained his residence there until the promulgation of the Decree providing for his naturalization. Ancestral residence shall be deemed complementary to the period of residence of descendants for the purposes of the application of the third and fourth paragraphs of this Article, provided that the descendant was born in and is residing in Kuwait. Proof of residence shall be effected according to the procedure prescribed by Article 21 of this Law.
The number of persons who may be naturalized in any one year in accordance with the provisions of paragraphs 3 and 4 of this Article shall be decided by an Act.
The grant of Kuwaiti nationality in virtue of the provisions of this Article shall be further subject to the conditions laid down in paragraphs 2, 3 and 5 of the Article immediately preceding.


A person who has acquired Kuwaiti nationality by virtue of the provisions of any of Articles 3, 4, 5, 7 or 8 of this Law shall not have the right to vote in any Parliamentary election within 30 years following the date of his naturalization. The provisions of this Article shall apply to any who have already acquired Kuwaiti nationality by virtue of naturalization prior to the enactment of this amendment. The 30 year period shall be deemed to start to run in the case of such persons from 6 July 1966.
A person to whom this Article applies shall not have the right to stand as a candidate for or to be appointed to membership of any Parliamentary body.

U.S. Immigration and Nationality Law

The process of immigrating to the United States is one of the most important and difficult experiences many people will go through in their life. Whether relocating to the United States because of work, family, or to seek sanctuary, moving countries is complex and stressful, and the failure to properly navigate the labyrinth created by U.S. immigration laws can lead to catastrophic results. That is why at Udall, Shumway & Lyons PLC we take your case personally.

At Udall, Shumway & Lyons PLC, we are dedicated to providing the highest quality personal service to each of our clients.  We are dedicated to helping employees, employers, families, and individuals with all of their immigration related needs.  Our immigration section practices exclusively U.S. immigration and nationality law and has the experience necessary to help you navigatethe labyrinth created by U.S.immigration law.  To ensure a successful immigration process, contact our immigration section and schedule an initial consultation today!  

Immigration and Nationality Law Overview

A criminal conviction can have a catastrophic impact on the ability of an individual to enter or remain in the United States.  Even relatively minor charges can result in deportation.  Increasingly, local law enforcement officials work with immigration personnel to arrest and detain foreign-born individuals. Most criminal defense attorneys fail to understand the consequences of convictions on immigration status.  At Mason & Rutherford, we believe that this understanding is critical to criminal defense.  If you are concerned about how a pending criminal charge relates to immigration, we will discuss that with you and develop the best strategy to preserve your status.

Immigration & Nationality Law Group (INLG)

Immigration & Nationality Law Group (INLG) represents clients across the United States and around the world in a broad range of U.S. immigration matters with a particular emphasis on employment-based immigration.

Let us take the guesswork out of immigration for you.

Immigration laws are very complex and rapidly changing, leaving many people feeling confused and without direction, afraid of making critical mistakes.

We can help. At INLG, our practice is solely dedicated to immigration matters, allowing us to focus all of our time and resources on expertly preparing cases in this specialized area of law. Our services bring you the peace of mind that comes from knowing you have an experienced immigration attorney on your side.

While we represent people in many different kinds of immigration matters, our clients are not just numbers. We know our clients personally, offering the advantage of individual, personalized service that has become all too hard to find.

Every client's needs are different, and we encourage you to schedule a consultation with our office so that we may fully discuss the merits of your particular case. Consultations may be conducted in person or on the telephone.

Stop Hating Your Children: Bahrain’s Nationality Law Leaves Many of its Children Stateless

Bahraini women register with the Nationality Campaign.

Photograph courtesy of the Bahrain Women's Development Association, a member of the campaign.

“The land that I grew to love, hates my babies.” This is sadly what many Bahraini women of stateless children think to themselves every single day of their lives.
Like outcasts, they feel helplessly pulled between a country they call home and their children who should be recognized as citizens but aren’t, only because they decided to marry foreigners.

Because certain clauses in Bahrain’s Nationality Law contradict the gender equality stressed in the country’s Constitution, more than 2,000 Bahraini mothers have registered with the Nationality Campaign to pressure the government to amend the law. Currently, the law only gives men the right to grant their nationality to their children at birth and to their foreign wives after five years of marriage, while husbands and children of Bahraini women remain foreigners for the rest of their lives.
Besides the obvious discrimination in the law, mothers have to struggle to secure resident permits for their family members and dread their children reaching the age of eighteen when they must either continue studying or take up jobs to avoid deportation. Meanwhile, Bahraini citizens are given priority access to education, healthcare (both of which are free for citizens) and employment opportunities.
Launched a few years back, the Nationality Campaign organizes awareness activities to engage the public in the fight to amend the law. Its members feel that there are more Bahraini women who are suffering in silence from the shame of being treated as second-class citizens or simply because they don’t know how to access help.
According to lawyer Hassan Ali Ismaeel, two amendments to the Naturalization Law, which was drafted in 1963, violate the Constitution and have put limitations on the children of Bahraini women married to foreigners. The lawyer says these children have been suffering and inconvenienced because they do not have the same citizenship rights as their peers.
More than 40 years since it was ratified – a decade before the first Constitution was implemented in 1973 – and amended twice in 1981 and 1989, the law has failed to ensure gender equality.
“The law blatantly discriminates [against] women. The children of Bahraini fathers get citizenship automatically. But those of Bahraini mothers do not,” he says.
Bahraini men can marry women of any nationality because the law grants citizenship to their wives and children and they are issued Bahraini passports. But these same services are not provided to children of Bahraini mothers and foreign fathers. The 1989 amendment took away the right of the children of Bahraini mothers and non-Bahraini fathers to obtain a passport.
Hassan points out another anomaly: illegitimate children of Bahraini women may be granted citizenship because they are considered “the children of the Kingdom.” “Then why can’t the children of Bahraini women married to ‘known’ non-Bahrainis have the same right?” wonders Ismaeel.
“The law doesn’t support equality of citizens and violates Article 18 of the Constitution which says people are equal in human dignity, and citizens are equal before the law in rights and duties. There shall be no discrimination against them on the basis of gender, origin, language, religion or creed,” Ismaeel says.
He also rejects the argument given by a section of society that it would be anti-Islamic to grant citizenship to children of Bahraini women married to foreigners. “Many scholars have supported the call for granting citizenship to these children. The passports will carry their fathers’ names anyway.”

Suhaila's four children, though born in Bahrain to a Bahraini mother, 

are considered outsiders because their father is German. Photograph courtesy of Suhaila Habib Awaji.

Businesswoman Suhaila Habib Awaji is happily married to a German with four children. Suhaila’s only concern is who will take over her business if her husband and children are considered foreigners. “I have money but lack security – how can I feel safe in a state that considers my children outsiders?”
Suhaila says that it is humiliating to regularly renew her children’s visas and pay for healthcare while children of Bahraini men and foreign wives are treated as complete citizens. Though her children have German passports, she’s still fighting to get them Bahraini passports.
Suhaila is lucky in comparison to Sabah Isa Ibrahim who was abandoned by her Saudi husband when she was pregnant with her second child. Her two boys are now grown men: the eldest is 30 and the youngest is 26; both are stateless. The resulting frustration and stigma dragged her elder son into criminal activities, while the plight of the younger is worse: not only is he rejected by the only country he considers home, he is also deaf, so getting job or establishing a family are impossible dreams.
“I was very young when my husband left me to take care of my children alone; I’m tired now but I cannot rest. Who will take care of them, especially the younger one?” Sabah asks.
Sabah says that even though all efforts to get a job for her son have proved fruitless, he was denied the monthly social assistance for the disabled. “My son isn’t a Bahraini according to the system,” she explains.
Sabah fears the uncertain fate her child faces when she dies as she lives in one room at her parents’ house and depends on social assistance from the government and charity.
Heartache is what Thuraya Al Huwaqani feels. She is managing a state-run health center but fails to manage her own life. The mother of three children (ages 16-22), she got divorced from her Yemeni husband ten years back. She also suffers under the weight of her children’s uncertain futures, especially the two in college who will soon graduate and be unable to find jobs because they aren’t Bahrainis. She says that she cannot travel with her children, who have never left Bahrain, because they don’t have passports.
Thuraya is seeking psychiatric help to deal with her feelings of injustice, especially since 2000 when Bahrain started a massive naturalization of Sunni Arabs, Pakistanis and Indians at a time when many politicians stopped promoting the rights of Bahraini women to grant passports to their children. Activists have even avoided debating the rights of husbands to get Bahraini passport to avoid criticism from these politicians as naturalized husbands of Bahraini women could potentially remarry and naturalize their children from previous marriages. Opposition groups claim that the government has naturalized thousands of people to create a Sunni majority in Bahrain, which the government denies, resulting in the current unrest in Shiite-dominated villages.
The state-run Supreme Council for Women (SWC) has started offering temporary solutions, including granting visas to children at the airport and issuing longer resident permits for extended stays in the Kingdom. The SCW has been working hard to convince the government to grant one-trip passports for some children under special circumstances – to receive health treatment abroad, visit ill relatives or holy places – as well as to allow women to sponsor their husbands and children. In Bahrain, such sponsorship privileges are typically given to businessmen and companies, but granting such rights to mothers could enable them to avoid considerable legal hassles if the fathers’ companies refuse to sponsor them.
The Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Nizar Al Baharna, said during his opening speech at the United Nations Human Rights Council that Bahrain’s law basically regulates the issue of nationality based on the descent of a child from a Bahraini father. The minister made this statement in April when the Kingdom's human rights record was reviewed by the Council.

Until the Nationality Law is amended, these Bahraini women will continue to campaign for justice. 

Photograph courtesy of the Bahrain Women's Development Association.

"To avoid the negative effect which could result from not granting nationality to the children of Bahraini mothers who are married to non-Bahrainis or the husband who is not Bahraini, a new draft law is being debated in the House of Representatives," he reported.
The Prime Minister, Shaikh Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa announced last year that he would consider granting citizenship to children of Bahraini women married to foreigners. He said giving equal citizenship to women and men was important, but granting such rights shouldn't affect national security. Shaikh Khalifa said that many countries imposed some restrictions before providing such rights to female citizens.
Though Bahrain is only one of many Arab countries that still need more time to recognize the full citizenship rights of women, efforts will continue here until the day when females and males are treated equally in all aspects of life.
In 2004 it was Egypt, in 2005 it was Tunisia and last year it was Morocco. The list will continue to grow as more countries amend their nationality laws allowing women to grant their citizenship to their children. These encouraging results could be attributed to the endless dedication of some people in the Arab world who work towards improving the living conditions of women in the region.
There are big hopes that Bahrain will be the next to join the list, bringing joy to many families who are awaiting justice.

Lebanon: Nationality Campaign

“It is not my right to get the Lebanese nationality; it is that of my mother who is a Lebanese citizen.” – Khaled. More than 130 women and men gathered at the Order of Engineers on the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, 25 November 2009, to take part in the press conference called for by the Arab Women’s Right to Nationality Campaign.

 The audience included women suffering from the discriminatory nationality law in Lebanon, in addition to a very high turnout of local and regional media including local and regional newspapers, international radio, and local and regional TV networks.
The Campaign called for the press conference in order to protest the appeal against judge John Azzi’s historical court order of 16 June 2009 granting a Lebanese woman, Samira Soueidan, married to an Egyptian man, the right to transmit her nationality to her children. The press conference also sought to share information and concern regarding the new ministerial statement which appears to be leaning towards dropping the issue of the reform of the nationality law from the final version of its text. Finally, the press conference was also a space to share and expose the difficulties faced by hundreds of families as a result of the current law.
Samira, Khaled, and a representative of the Palestinian Human Rights Association, Rassed, shared the podium with CRTD.A, each exposing a different angle of the campaign amidst an audience which shared interests, stories, and commitments to pursue the campaign for inclusive citizenship rights.
The press conference received wide media coverage including international radio (Swiss Radio), international media (BBC Arabic, Al Arabya, Orbit, MBC) and local TV stations and newspapers.

The Lebanese Nationality Law Will Pass Today!

Good morning, Lebanon! And Happy International Women’s Day! I am writing from New York city, where I have been attending sessions at the 54th Commission for the Status of Women. Rumors had been going around since last week that the Lebanese government is going to pass the amendment to the nationality law, granting women the right to pass on the Lebanese nationality to their children and husbands. And the rumors turned out to be true! They are passing the law today!!
What a coincidence, just yesterday I attended a panel by WLP with two prominent Arab feminists (Amal Abdel Hadi from Egypt and Lina Abou Habib from Lebanon) who talked about the regional campaign to lift CEDAW reservations. And now our long-awaited dream is finally here:
A Lebanese woman is now a full Lebanese citizen: she can give the Lebanese nationality to her husband and to her son. Congratulations on a right long overdue!
It is said that Minister Mona Afeiche will be announcing this wonderful piece of news later today, March 8, as the world celebrates 100 years since the idea of International Women’s Day was born. What a happy occasion for all Lebanese women to celebrate!
Of course we were all concerned that the Lebanese government would be racist and exclude Palestinians from this human right, but, indeed, they have lived up to their duties and have not excluded anyone. Excellent job, 7oukoumitna! Good for you! Finally, ONE THING the Lebanese government has done that has made me proud. Bravo finally acknowledging that women are human beings too and that they deserve the same rights as men. Bravo for rising above your pettiness and stupid out-of-date political debates. Bravo Lebanon!
I don’t have much information to share at this point, but those of you in Lebanon should contact:

• Ministry of Social Affairs +961-1-612870
• Ministry of Finance (just cos Raya Haffar Al Hassan is a woman and we must congratulate her) +961-1-642758
• Ministry of Interior (because Ziad Baroud has been backing us up for a long time and we must thank him) +961-1-754200
• Prime Minister (if you want to thank Saad Hariri himself) +961-1-746800

Looking forward to reading the papers and analysis about this tomorrow. And for today, happy women’s day all the way from a freezing United Nations.

the Lebanese nationality law on trial

On Sunday, the Lebanese government was on trial on Beirut’s seaside Corniche. The presiding judge peddled the language of rights and weighed melons on the scales of justice. The jury was a group of citizens and non-citizens, many of the latter born and raised in Lebanon to Lebanese mothers yet unnaturalized because a Lebanese woman cannot pass on her citizenship to her husband and children. A Lebanese woman married to a non-Lebanese,  as well as a girl and a young man born to Lebanese women presented their cases in this public court, giving accounts of the legal hardships they face. The Lebanese government sat on the raised platform, unmoved and redundant, puffing on his cigar. We, the jury, got to vote in the end and the verdict was a unanimous and resounding “Guilty!”

Italian nationality law

Nationality law in Italy, like that of many European countries, favors jus sanguinis and jus solis. However, unlike the law of many traditionally emigrant-sending countries, Italian law incorporates elements that are seen as favourable to the Italian diaspora. Italian nationality law is based on legislation, especially the Law (n°91 of 1992) presidential decree and Ministry of the Interior circulars.

Acquisition of citizenship

Italian citizenship can be automatically acquired:

• By filiation (birth to an Italian parent); this is consistent with the principle of jus sanguinis.
• By birth on Italian territory to stateless parents or to unknown parents or to parents who cannot transmit their nationality; this is partially consistent with the principle of jus soli.
• By paternal/maternal acknowledgment or legitimation.

Through special application:

• For those of Italian origin up to the second degree, the applicant must have served in the Italian military or civil service or have resided for two years in Italy after reaching the age of majority.
• If Italian-born, the applicant must have resided in Italy continuously from birth to adulthood.

Through marriage:

• Foreign women who married an Italian citizen before April 27, 1983, were automatically granted Italian citizenship, while foreign men who married Italian women weren't granted this privilege, and neither their children were granted Italian citizenship if born before January 1, 1948.
• After six months legal residence in Italy, the spouse of an Italian citizen can acquire Italian citizenship through naturalization; that was before August 8, 2009. Now, it has been extended to two years or after three years of marriage (if overseas), those periods are reduced respectively to one year and one and a half year if the couple has a child (natural or adopted) provided a lack of criminal record and lack of national security concerns.

Through naturalization:

• After 10 years of legal residence, absence of criminal record, and sufficient financial resources, a foreigner may naturalize (three years for former Italian citizens up to the second degree and for aliens born on Italian territory, four years for nationals of EU member states, five years for refugees or stateless persons and seven years for the adoptee of an Italian national.)

Special acquisition of citizenship through jure sanguinis

Citizens of other countries descended from an ancestor (parent, grandparent, great-grandparent, etc.) born in Italy may have a claim to Italian citizenship by descent.
One must apply through the Italian consulate that has jurisdiction over their place of residence. Each consulate has slightly different procedures, requirements and wait time. Most importantly the criteria for jure sanguinis citizenship is the same.
Basic Criteria for Acquisition of Citizenship jus sanguinis:

• A child is born to an Italian citizen parent or a parent with the right to Italian citizenship "jure sanguinis". Henceforth this parent will be known as the Italian parent.
• If the child was born before August 16, 1992, the Italian parent must not have taken another citizenship by naturalization at the time of the child's birth.
• If the mother is the Italian parent, the child must have been born on or after January 1, 1948.
• Ancestors naturalized before June 14, 1912, cannot transmit citizenship (even to children born before their naturalization).

All conditions above must be met by every person in a direct lineage. There is no generational limit. However, while there is no generational limit to claiming Italian citizenship through "jus sanguinis" the ancestor who immigrated from Italy must have died in the Italian Peninsula or abroad after March 17, 1861, according to Italian Ministry of Interior. Any person who died prior to that date was not a citizen of Italy, because this was before the unified nation of Italy was formed. Subsequently, that person had no ability to pass on Italian citizenship.
Common Sample Cases:

• Your father was officially recognized as an Italian citizen at the time of your birth and you never renounced your right to the Italian citizenship.
• Your mother was officially recognized as an Italian citizen at the time of your birth, you were born on or after January 1, 1948 and you never renounced your right to the Italian citizenship.
• Your father was born in a country other than Italy, your paternal grandfather was officially recognized as an Italian citizen at the time of his birth, neither you nor your father ever renounced your right to the Italian citizenship.
• Your mother was born in a country other than Italy, your maternal grandfather was officially recognized as an Italian citizen at the time of her birth, you were born on or after January 1, 1948 and neither you nor your mother ever renounced your right to the Italian citizenship.
• Your paternal or maternal grandfather was born in a country other than Italy, your paternal great grandfather was officially recognized as an Italian citizen at the time of his birth, neither you nor your father nor your grandfather ever renounced your right to Italian citizenship.

NOTE: Please be aware that you may still be eligible even if your case cannot be found above. Please use the basic criteria above to follow your situation in detail in any case.
Basic Documents Required:

• Your application with sworn affidavit you never renounced your Italian Citizenship.
• A Photocopy of your current passport and ID
• Your Birth Certificate, with apostille attached and translated into Italian
• Your Parents Marriage Certificate with apostille attached and translated into Italian.
• Your Parents Birth Certificates with apostille attached and translated into Italian (if not from Italy)
• Your Grandparents Birth Certificates with apostille attached and translated into Italian (if not from Italy)
  • Continue this process back to the ancestor who immigrated from Italy.
• If you are claiming through a grandparent you will need your grandparent's marriage certificates with apostille attached and translated into Italian (if not from Italy)
• For an Ancestor who immigrated to the US, you will need his/her naturalization records from the USCIS that shows that s/he did not become a US Citizen before their child was born.
  • If USCIS responds with "No Records Found" you will have to contact NARA for the information.
    • If NARA responds with "No Records Found" you will have to contact United States Census Department and ask for the census that took place before and after your Italian ancestor's child was born with the field report from the street they lived on.
      • If the United States Census responds with "No Records Found" it will be assumed your Ancestor never became a US citizen and retained his/her Italian citizenship and passed it on to their child.
• If there were any divorces in the line between you and your Italian ancestor, you will have to obtain all divorce records with apostille attached and translated into Italian. You will also need a "Certificate of Clerk - No Appeal"
• If any of the people mentioned above are deceased you will need their Death Certificates with apostille attached and translated into Italian (if not from Italy) NOTE: Some Consulates only require death certificates for those born in Italy.
• All documents with errors must be corrected before being submitted. For example, if your Italian ancestor immigrated to the US and took on an "Americanized" name (Italian name: Giulia / American Name: Julia) and the Americanized name was used on any previously mentioned certificates the name will have to be corrected to match the name on their Italian Birth Certificate.

British Nationality Law and how to obtain British Citizenship

British Citizenship is one of three different forms of British nationality, some of which were defined in the British Nationality Act 1981. The six categories of nationality include: British Citizenship; British Overseas Citizenship; British Overseas Territories Citizenship; British National (Overseas); British Protected Person; and British subject.
Only those with British Citizenship and certain British subjects with right of abode through qualifying connections under the Immigration Act 1971 have the right to live and work in the UK. People with other forms of nationality may life and work in the UK only if their UK immigration status allows it.
British Citizenship and Nationality is defined by law, and so whether a person can claim British Citizenship is determined by applying the definitions and requirements of the British Nationality Act 1981 and related legislation to the known facts of their place of birth, birth date, and descent.
There are a number of ways a person can obtain British Citizenship. For example by birth in the UK to a parent who is a British citizen at the time of the birth or to a parent who is settled in the UK; by descent if one parent is a British citizen by birth adoption, registration or naturalisation; by naturalisation; by registration; or by adoption.
Unless a person is already British citizens by descent, that is one or both of their parents is a British Citizen, all adults must register or naturalise following a period of Indefinite Leave to Remain (also called permanent residency) in the UK in order to earn British Citizenship.
The requirements to naturalise and take British Citizenship depend on whether one is married to a British citizen or not.
In order to naturalise applicants who are married to a British Citizen must:

• Have been in the UK for three years and have Indefinite Leave to Remain on the date of application;
• Have been living in the UK at the start of those three years;
• Not have been absent from the UK for more than 270 days in those three years;
• Not have been absent from the UK for more than 90 days in 12 months before application;
• Be of good character;
• Pass the Life in the UK test;
• Have sufficient knowledge of English, Welsh or Gaelic; AND
• Have an intention to live in the UK.

Applicants who are not married to a British Citizen must:

• Have been in the UK for five years. The last year of that having been as a permanent resident with Indefinite Leave to Remain;
• Not have been absent for more than 450 days in that period;
• Not have been absent for more than 90 days in the 12 months before application;
• Be of good character;
• Pass the Life in the UK test;
• Have sufficient knowledge of English, Welsh or Gaelic; AND
• Have an intention to live in the UK.

Everyone who applies for British Citizenship by naturalisation must meet the requirements, but the Home Secretary may make an exception to some requirements if there are special circumstances.
If you do not meet the British Citizenship requirements, but you believe there are special circumstances in your case you should explain them when you apply.
If you have already passed the Life in the UK Test as part of the qualification for Indefinite Leave to Remain you do not have to take the test again to qualify for British Citizenship. The Life in the UK Test is a computer-based, 45-minute test of 24 questions based on the handbook “Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship”. Most of the questions are about life in the UK, as described in the handbook, as well as a number of questions specific to the part of the UK you live in – England, Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland.
Registration is a simpler method of acquiring British Citizenship, however, only certain people are eligible to register as a British citizen.
Nationals who have Indefinite leave to Remain in the UK or right of abode are eligible for British Citizenship by registration after five years of residence in the United Kingdom. There are also other cases where people may be entitled to British citizenship by registration, for example children born in the UK who live in the country until they are 10.
To be eligible to register for British Citizenship under the five-year residence requirement you must:

• Have been resident in the United Kingdom for at least five years; this is known as the residential qualifying period; AND Have been present in the United Kingdom five years before the date of your application; AND
• Have not spent more than 450 days outside the United Kingdom during the five-year period; and
• Have not spent more than 90 days outside the United Kingdom in the last 12 months of the five-year period; AND
• Have not been in breach of the immigration rules at any stage during the five-year period; AND
• Be free from UK immigration time restrictions for the last 12 months of the five-year period of your stay in the United Kingdom.

The most acceptable evidence of British citizenship is a British passport.

ABA ROLI Assesses Liberia’s Aliens and Nationality Law

The ABA Rule of Law Initiative’s (ABA ROLI’s) Research and Assessments Office recently issued the Analysis of the Aliens and Nationality Law of the Republic of Liberia, undertaken at the request of the Liberian Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization. In a June 25 letter, Commissioner C. Clarence Massaquoi and Deputy Commissioner Abla Gadegbeku-Williams extended their “sincere thanks and appreciation” to ABA ROLI for the “splendid compilation” of the analysis. They also thanked ABA ROLI’s country director in Liberia, Anthony Valcke, who spearheaded the effort.
Liberia’s immigration and nationality laws, which were modeled on the 1952 U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act, have not been updated since 1974. Since that time, both Liberia’s political situation and international laws affecting the rights of migrants and foreign nationals have changed drastically. ABA ROLI’s analysis assessed the law, comparing it to regional and international norms and best practices. The analysis also includes a brief overview of pertinent standards and general policy considerations, highlights areas of concern and suggests reforms. It examines discrete sections of the law, drawing on commentary provided by a panel of experts on immigration, public international law and Liberia.
The analysis recommends substantial reforms to the law, including full incorporation of Liberia’s international legal obligations in the domestic law,  addressing the needs of trafficked and smuggled persons and ensuring the protection of immigrant children. Other recommendations include developing a regulatory framework for the implementation of immigration laws, establishing court oversight of immigration decisions, eliminating the use of outdated terminology, permitting dual citizenship and matrilineal passage of citizenship and ensuring the rights of residents of non-African descent.
The analysis was undertaken to assist the government in redrafting and modernizing Liberia’s immigration and nationality laws. ABA ROLI will participate in meetings of the Immigration Law Reform Committee of the Liberian Ministry of Justice to continue its support of this effort.